B The level of brutality is unprecedented, and not just in the 47-year history of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Within a few days, the Iranian regime killed several thousand protesting people. The human rights organization HRANA has verified so far 3,919 killed – estimates that have not yet been verified speak of up to 16,500. Over 24.669 People were arrested. The regime is threatening you with the capital punishment.
The first death sentence, against protester Erfan Soltani, has not yet been carried out – for how long is unclear. The full extent is difficult to grasp; Iranians have been going through one for two weeks complete internet shutdown almost cut off from communication. Occasionally, messages come out of the country via landline calls or Starlink connections, putting lives at risk. All of this makes you freeze with cold horror.
For Germany – and the EU – the question arises as to what reaction is possible, given the historic scale of the protests, but also their bloody suppression and the regime’s ongoing massive repression: How can Germany react to the regime’s violence, how to support the people in Iran, and can the aspirations of Iranians for a democratic, self-designed future be supported?
Barbara Mittelhammer
Barbara Mittelhammer is an independent political analyst. She advises and works with ministries, parliamentarians, think tanks, foundations, international and civil society organizations. She works and publishes on feminist foreign policy, including in the context of Iran and Syria, human security, and the role of civil society in foreign and security policy.
Although there have been almost no protests recorded in the last few days due to the sheer violence, there have been protests different than before – more far-reaching in its scope and mobilization potential than previous ones. And despite unprecedented repression The question of new protests is one of when, not if.
Despite unprecedented repression, the question of new protests is one of when, not if
Germany condemns the regime’s violence in statements, expresses solidarity with the protesters, and is in favor of expanding human rights sanctions as well as the EU terrorist listing of the Revolutionary Guards. All of these are measures with a primarily symbolic effect. And even if symbolism and solidarity are necessary in the face of horror, without action they ultimately remain empty shells. In order to concretely support people in Iran beyond symbolic politics, Germany should take three concrete steps, together with the EU.
Three things that would help
Firstly, for immediate priorities, an EU-wide and coordinated emergency aid program would be appropriate to enable additional financial resources but also political coordination. This would provide support for the acute priorities of Iranian civil society, including, above all, emergency medical care, human rights documentation and access to the Internet, both through political pressure on the regime and concrete ones Promote Starlink and other bypass tools.
This emergency aid program should coordinate its priorities in close exchange with Iranian civil society – and at the same time strengthen political coordination: within the EU, but also with partner countries such as Canada and the UK, especially on sanctions lists.
But stronger coordination of EU policy with UN human rights mechanisms such as the UN Fact Finding Mission and the UN Special Representative for Human Rights in Iran could also be strengthened, for example on the provision and use of platforms to transmit evidence. A joint or closely coordinated resolution between the EU Council of Foreign Ministers and the UN Human Rights Council would be a concrete step in this direction. It’s about direct documentation and preservation of evidence, evaluation as well as criminal investigation – also within the framework of universal jurisdiction.
Secondly, expressions of solidarity should be accompanied by the fact that Germany can be a safe place – for the Iranian diaspora as well as for those Iranians who have to leave their country because of political engagement and protest. This involves domestic political measures, such as action against transnational repression and deportation stops, but also the reintroduction of easier admission for women and human rights defenders in Germany, which this federal government suspended last year.
Thirdly, this emergency aid program should also herald a realignment of German and European Iran policy. So far, the opportunity to develop a political approach that systematically and structurally strengthens the expertise and ability of pro-democratic Iranian civil society to act against the authoritarian government has been missed time and again. This should be the focus if Germany and the EU want to increase political pressure on the Iranian government. Germany and the EU should therefore create a structured dialogue platform for exchange with civil society networks.
The EU must develop its own options for action
In this way, civil society could bring its priorities but also expertise into a broader political framework. Support for pro-democratic actors in the development of political options would also be indicated. The focus should be on: the expansion and further development of women’s and human rights work, including the development of perspectives on transitional justice and reappraisal; Promoting civil society work and research on internet freedom; and structural inequality as a driver of social, political and socio-economic conflict lines.
For the European Union, this may seem premature given its otherwise cautious position and the apparent stability of the regime. Neither is the case. In recent years, the EU has repeatedly found itself without concrete options for action, i.e. unprepared due to a lack of scenario planning or imagination. These concrete political and programmatic steps are therefore long overdue. Also in order to ultimately develop your own options for action in a context of maximum volatility.